அறிஞர் அண்ணாவின் கட்டுரைகள்


March to glory, march to the fight
With your blades rebuild the
Arab Nation
Oh Arab people!
Once we were the star of humanity
We have Conquered Earth and sea
Oh, Arab people
Fly, for ever, your banner of the Arabs,
Eternal symbol of the Arabs;
You represent our highest glory
Oh, Arab people!
Fly for evermore banner of the Arabs!
We are your servants
We shall defend you
Sacrifice our lives for you
Oh, Arab people!

Bullets to the right and bullets to the left and all over, come whizzing, to take away the lives, and still undaunted by the cruel approach of death and destruction, the Arabs, it is reported sing this song of valorous Nationalism, in Algeria.

Arabia, the homeland of the Arabs, though parcelled out, almost torn into bits, still creates a thrill and a throb, and though under the clutches of imperialism, barbarous feudalism and even primitivism, still they feel that they are Arabs; and show their determination to wrest from the tyrant's hand, dear freedom and Independence. General De Gaulle offers the Algerians, French status—but, no, they say that they would like to be Arabs, free Arabs, for, as they sing, their forefathers were no serfs nor were they cowards crouching under any foreign foe. "We shall remember that our 'blades' are here to lead us on the victory and Independence," the Arabs sing heroically. That's the spirit of Nationalism, and when once it is aroused, there is no power on earth to stem its tide. The path might be perilous, painted red with blood-shed, pebbled by the very bones of the fallen warriors—but march they shall, and march they do!
Those who today talk about the problem of North and South, are not possessed, as Pandits at Delhi fondly think, of any reactionary thought; far from it; they are imbued with a robust sense of Nationalism, and they feel that the attempt at a United India, is nothing but a calculated plot to subjugate the once Independent land, now erroneously termed as Madras State.

Of course, we hear not about blades and blood, but everyday many thousands here, hear ballads sung—ballads about the glorious past—about the warriors of a bygone age—and about the plenty and prosperity that adorned this ancient land of ours.

A century and a half of British domination and ten years of North Indian Imperialism, could not erase out of our minds, national fervour.

Unlike the Britisher, the New Masters have attempted to hypnotise our people into inactivity or even serfdom by presenting a deceptive doctrine—this 'Unity of India'. True, today it is an accomplished fact—on paper. True too, there are battalions to maintain this monstrosity. But it lacks Justice, and hence lacks the strength to withstand the demand arising from hearts convinced about the justness of their course.

The top-leaders know and sometimes exclaim in amazement, that what has become a constitutional fact, has not yet attained flesh and blood and life-force! The myth is being maintained by the stored-up bullets and spirited billets, issued by these leaders from time to time—and every five years, they are able also to gather the ballots from the untutored and half-sleepy impoverished masses. But still they feel, that they have not achieved their objective—we shall not employ the world ideal, debasing such a noble word. Pandit Nehru often times reminds the people, that political integration has been achieved, but not yet the 'emotional integration'.

We are glad, Pandit Nehru is conscious of this—unlike some of the lesser lot! But Pandit Nehru should not feel despondent; 'emotional integration' has not been achieved, despite the Herculean efforts of Pandit Nehru and his chosen knights, not because of the lack of ability in them, but exactly because of the fact, that it is an impossibility—a myth—a misnomer and what is worse a sacrilege! Bards have sung and leaders have thundered forth, with all their might and agility, about this 'Unity of India' and yet, they find it still escaping their very grasp—at best it is a delightful rainbow; the colours are bright and bonny but for looking at alone—not useful for dyeing! At the worst it is a willow-the-wisp, in the pursuit of which much precious time and talent is being woefully wasted.

This was evident even while these top-men were busy discussing the pattern of government that they should have, after the exit of the British!

Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan spoke about 'Regional theory' —Professor Coupland had his own 'Five States Scheme'—there were endless discussions about the feasibility or otherwise of Federation! Some advocated confederation! Still others spoke about two federations—but none, it should be noted spoke with conviction about India being a country!

They all prefaced their political philosophy with 'inspite of' —not, 'because of!'

Theorist after theorist pointed out the fact, that India is not country but a Sub-continent, Indian is not the name of a single, homogeneous ethnic entry, but a new name for different races and nationalities housed in a geographical tract, —all of them enumerated reasons for the 'diversity' to be found here, and then said, 'in spite of all these differences, let us build up a United India.

The Myth thus is born from the womb of the phrase, 'inspite of'! But tons of literature distributed diligently and torrents of emotional speeches let loose from the platform, and piles of Parliamentary resolutions, have had no effect—the Myth remains a Myth—and the Topmen are busy at their old job, attempting to instruct the people about the theory of 'India one and indivisible'!

What Beverly Nicholos said remains true, even today! Of course our leaders were vehement in attacking this foreigner vending filthy stuff! But the filth is not of his making—it is here!

Said Mr. Beverly Nicholas, thus; "I went to India but did not meet an Indian."

Nor do we, even today! We do not even hear about him!!

Twice in a year, he is introduced to an audience, which is amused—we refer to August Fifteenth and the Twenty-sixth of another month—the Independence Day and the Republic Day!! It is then we hear Governors and other dignitaries talk about our being 'Indian'! The next day, he is gone completely from out of our sight and thought!

We would therefore respectfully request, good-natured souls, not to be hunting after this 'delusion', but face truth, though it might cause a sort of jolt at first.

And even those who pay lip-sympathy to this idea of 'India, one and indivisible', are active in advocating the claims of the Southern States! They advance no valid reason for this loyalty! Why should they feel despondent when they find the South desolate; they should get happiness from the thought that the 'abundance' in the North is theirs—and they could draw from that source and lead a delightful life.

But no, truth lurking in their hearts, speaks in a different language.

"Ye, simpleton! Yonder are built dams competing mountains, and first rate factories! People over there are getting all the benefit that industrialisation begets! You, here, are still leading a pastoral life; nature is bountiful but the attempt at harnessing it for your benefit, is niggardly! You are slowly becoming willing serfs of those plutocrats of the North! Wake up, you sluggard! Wake up! Speak out, now, you Somnambulist! Demand what is your due!"

It is exactly because of the surging up of some such sentiment, that Mr. Ananthasayanam Ayyangar, spoke rather with a sting about the attempt to replace one Imperialism by another! Should Ahmedabad alone prosper?—asked Mr. Ayyankar! He is reminded of the desolation here, and the dazzle at Ahmedabad; it kindles, not superb pleasure, but sparks of actual remorse. Mr. Ayyangar's words are pregnant! But the pity of it is, circumstances that a cunning imperialism is capable of forging, have got a devastating effect—resulting in abortions.

They talk sense and Imperialism scents out danger! Its smile then becomes enchanting, speech is spicy, and the flesh being weak, there is a fall—a woeful fall!

If Mr. Ayyangar could talk about the North and South with such vigour why not others pursue that thought, to its legitimate and logical conclusion, and demand an Independent status! Is it to be the lot of those here, to be constantly cringing—for favours, for partonage, for our due share, for justice and fairplay? Is that becoming of our ancient heritage? And what is the benefit we derive by being harnessed to this Indian Unity, if after all we are asked to stand at the portals of those perched up at Delhi, demanding doles and getting but denials!!

The Finance Minister of our State, who is so confident of his own wisdom and political sagacity, went up to the Imperial City, and donning on a winning smile, presented a petition for Four hundred crores of rupees as the allotment for Madras, in the Second Five Year Plan: and what did he get? Wrinkles! He waited for a picture but got a caricature!! His demand was mercilessly halved—and he had to return with head hung. "Shame?" One would like to ask. But, the Minister of Many portfolios would hastily retort, "No! No shame! Not even sorrow! Sages do contemplate in that way! So do I."

From time to time they receive taunts, threats and 'resummoned' to appear before the masters often, and every time it is a trial and a tribulation. They get solace only by pouncing upon us—for fury penned up, should find a way out! We happen to be the targets!—And do not mind a bit being bitten, for, we know how hard they were themselves bitten.

The more the pricks they get from Imperial Delhi, the wilder their attack on us. And in thus trying to lick off their wounds, they become the willing advocates of the very masters whose unkind kicks they had to bear previously.

"There is absolutely no question of North neglecting the South, at all! He who says such silly things, is a political opportunist. Every effort is made for making the South as prosperous as the North. The talk about, neglect of the South is sheer nonsense. Such a thought can enter only the minds of the D.M.K. people—for they were but the stooges, of British Imperialism. They are traitors! They are tainted! Hence they could not think in a wholesome way at all!"

We have not succeeded in epitomising the tirade that is being heard from the Congress Platform. We gave but broad hints, —not of course to refute their charges, baseless as they are, but to clench the issue thus; we would say.

"Pray, forget us Patriots high and noble, pay no heed to our words, they are mere prattle. But what sayest thou; to the remarks expressed by some of those, who are with you—none of them less eminent than your goodselves? Are they too depraved? Were they also polishers of the British Boots? Lend not your busy ears to us—but should you not bestow some attention to the sentiments expressed by members of your own organisation? We place before you august personages? —A slice from a speech by one of your own party. You are energetic in renouncing us—and mock at us, for talking in terms of North and South. Please, hear now, what a Congress leader did say about this problem.

"I would request the government to look more towards the South. It has been looking to the East, to the North, and to the West. It is high time they did a little looking towards the South, now that they have the planned development of the country in their hands. They should take Madras into the picture at this juncture.

"It is common knowledge that there is no heavy industry or basic industry in Madras.

"It is understood that the Government themselves are going to establish two plants for manufacture of iron and steel.

"I wish that at least one is established in Madras and there are facilities for the same in Madras.

"On the floor of this House you yourselves have urged many a time the needs and necessity to provide for the famine area...

"This area may be poor on the surface but it contains rich treasures in bowels of the earth underneath.

"I hope. Sir, the Government will see its way to establish one of these plants for the manufacture of iron and steel in Madras.

"Again there is a proposal for establishing a heavy power plant manufacturing concern and I will plead the cause of Madras. There are various facilities which will enable the Government to run this industry profitably.

"Recently an electric grid comprising Madras, Mysore and Travancore has been established and there are also other hydro-electric schemes also on hand which will supply the necessary power.
"Also essential raw materials like mica, rubber, silk, cotton, shellac, insulating oils and porcelain are available in sufficient quantities in Madras."

"You know, Sir, the Avadi Military Camp is a suitable area for the location of this industry and there are sufficient transport facilities—railway as well as port—which make the running of this concern easy. Here also I would like that the government takes into consideration the claims of Madras and does justice."

What possibly could be the answer that those who condemn us, could lisp, on hearing this powerful plea?

Are they going to term this 'critic' as a toady, a boot-licker, a stooge, a reactionary, a traitor and the like? They dare not!!

They find us easy targets. The mention about North and South irritates them so much. But here is a critic, who reminds the government of its wanton negligence!

Look more towards the South.
Take Madras into the picture.
Do justice to Madras.
Consider its claims.

There are these sentiments expressed, on the floor of the Parliament at Delhi.

Now, we ask those who hasten to call us names, to ponder a little. Why should a Congressman plead for Madras?

First, because he feels that the claims of Madras are not considered, justice is not meted out to Madras; secondly because, however puffed up he happens to be, he is not able to escape from a very natural sentiment that the son of the soil alone could get.

What is this but a vindication of the patriotic fervour—pale though it might be.

Before narrating the the rise and fall of such a worthy sentiment in the mind of the 'critic' mentioned, we would be glad to get a straight answer from these 'super-critics' to this simple question,
"Why is it that even a Congressman feels that the South is being neglected?"

And when a Congressman himself admits that the South is being neglected, that there are not basic or heavy industries in the South though it contains rich raw materials, why should these Congress leaders occupying the cushions pounce upon the D.M.K., when it expresses the same truth?

And above all, why is it, that an appeal for justice and fairplay for the South is being made at Delhi?

It goes but to prove what we have been all along urging, the destiny of the South is not in its own hands, but is lodged up in the North! And that is why, even Congressmen have to bend and beg for mercy, justice, at the hands of the New Masters at Delhi.

We leave our readers and our critics as well to ponder over these aspects, and promise to analyse the implications of the energetic criticism boldly spoken on floor of the Parliament by one, who cannot be dubbed as a mere pebble on the shore but a 'peg' in the citadel built by the Congress party.

Let us introduce this 'peg', next week; meanwhile, we request our readers and our critics, to read and re-read; what we have quoted fairly extensively.

(Editorial - 29-06-1958)